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Trump, AfriForum and the DA: A far-right Molotov cocktail against South Africa’s transformation efforts

6 February 2025
in OPINION, Guest Writer
Reading Time: 6 mins read
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Trump, AfriForum and the DA: A far-right Molotov cocktail against South Africa’s transformation efforts

The writer argues that Donald Trump’s insertion into South African politics is a manifestation of a growing alliance between the American far-right and white nationalist movements in South Africa spearheaded in this country by Kallie Kriel’s AfriForum (centre) and the Democratic Alliance, led by Johan Steenhuisen (right). (Photos SHUTTERSTOCK (Trump) & WIKIMEDIA COMMONS)

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Donald Trump’s recent declaration that he would halt US funding to South Africa over the country’s restitution and transformation objectives underscores a broader agenda of far-right alignment with white nationalist interests in South Africa.

By RUDY OOSTERWYK

The insertion of Donald Trump into South African politics (again) is not a random occurrence – it is the manifestation of a growing alliance between white nationalist movements in South Africa and the American far-right. This alliance, spearheaded by organisations like AfriForum and the Democratic Alliance (DA), has sought to position white South Africans as victims of a post-Apartheid democracy, gaining support from right-wing actors in the United States.

During the 2024 elections, the calls by the DA for the US to oversee South Africa’s electoral process, alongside AfriForum’s longstanding engagement with American conservative circles, exemplify a broader pattern: the alignment of reactionary forces in South Africa with a global far-right movement led by Trump.

Adding to this transnational alignment is Elon Musk, the South African-born billionaire, whose political posturing has increasingly mirrored Trump’s. Musk has leveraged his vast influence on social media to amplify far-right talking points, engage with white nationalist rhetoric, and cultivate relationships with authoritarian-leaning leaders in Israel and elsewhere. His recent appearance at a far-right German political conference, coupled with his Nazi-like salute at a public event, further cements his positioning within this ideological bloc. Musk’s financial and political ties to Trump, as well as his role in shaping digital discourse through X (formerly Twitter), underscore how figures of South African descent (both in and outside of South Africa) continue to reinforce reactionary narratives on a global scale.

AfriForum and Solidariteit: White privilege disguised as civil rights

AfriForum and Solidariteit, two organisations that claim to represent the ‘civil rights’ of Afrikaners, have long sought to internationalise their grievances by appealing to American conservatives. They have established ties with far-right think tanks, media outlets, and politicians in the United States, portraying white South Africans as an endangered minority.

Their campaigns against land expropriation have received enthusiastic backing from Fox News, Breitbart, and Republican legislators, including Trump himself, who in 2018 tweeted that the South African government was ‘seizing land from white farmers.’ The reality, however, is starkly different: white South Africans continue to own the majority of the country’s land and maintain economic dominance (Stats SA, 2017; Hall & Cousins, 2018; PLAAS, 2021). By invoking the language of white victimhood, these organisations reinforce the global far-right narrative of ‘reverse discrimination’ while deliberately ignoring the legacies of Apartheid-era land dispossession.

AfriForum has also cultivated relationships with American conservatives who champion anti-multiculturalism and anti-immigration policies, including members of Trump’s Make America Great Again (MAGA) movement. By framing their cause as a ‘struggle for minority rights,’ they have sought to legitimise white nationalist grievances under the guise of civil society activism.

The Democratic Alliance’s call for US election oversight

In a move that underscores its alignment with external right-wing interests, the DA called for the United States to oversee South Africa’s democratic elections on May 29, 2024 (VOA Africa, 2024). This extraordinary request not only undermines the legitimacy of South Africa’s Electoral Commission (IEC) – an institution that has successfully managed elections for three decades – but also echoes historical patterns of colonial oversight.

By appealing for American intervention, the DA signalled a deep-seated racial bias which aligns itself with global forces that view African self-governance with suspicion. This move also mirrors the broader coloniality by proxy dynamic, in which domestic elites act as facilitators of foreign influence under the pretence of ensuring ‘fair governance.’

More tellingly, their appeal for electoral oversight was directed to US Secretary of State Antony Blinken, a figure who, given his role in shielding Israel from accountability in its war against Palestine, could very well face charges of crimes against humanity. That the DA seeks validation from such figures only underscores its alignment with reactionary global forces, rather than genuine democratic integrity. The DA’s appeal to Washington places it squarely within the broader realignment of conservative forces that seek to reassert white political dominance under the guise of protecting democratic integrity. In reinforcing this position, the DA’s digital burning of the South African flag further reflects its detachment from national unity and transformation, using symbolism to provoke and delegitimise the post-Apartheid state.

With Trump’s resurgence as the dominant figure in right-wing politics, far-right ideologies are gaining ground globally and we can expect similar extremism to dominate in pursuance of white privilege.

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The economic reality of white South Africans

One of the most insidious aspects of this far-right alignment is the claim that white South Africans have suffered economic decline since 1994. In reality:

  • White South Africans continue to hold disproportionate wealth. Studies show that white households earn three to five times more than black households on average.
  • Land ownership remains heavily skewed. Despite calls for land redistribution, white South Africans still own the vast majority of commercial farmland and high-value property.
  • Corporate dominance persists. A sizeable portion of South Africa’s Johannesburg Stock Exchange (JSE) equity remains controlled by white capital, reflecting the continued economic power of historically privileged groups.

Rather than facing economic marginalisation, white South Africans have thrived under democracy – enjoying political stability, economic security, and international protection. The framing of their so-called victimhood is not only factually incorrect but serves as a deliberate political strategy to justify reactionary policies and seek external intervention aimed at reinforcing white geopolitical and economic dominance, while undermining efforts at transformation and restitution.

The privilege of white critique and development failures of the ANC

One of the key dynamics shaping contemporary South African politics is the privilege of white critique – the ability of white South Africans to offer harsh criticism of governance while being insulated from the economic and structural inequalities that shape the lived experiences of the black majority. The rhetoric of the DA and AfriForum frequently highlights failures of service delivery, corruption, and economic mismanagement under the ANC, yet their analysis often ignores the deep-rooted structural legacies of Apartheid that continue to limit broad-based economic transformation.

While the ANC has undoubtedly failed in multiple governance aspects – particularly in service delivery, energy provision, and rampant corruption through organised state capture – the reality is that white South Africans have largely retained their economic privileges despite these failures. Their critique, therefore, often lacks accountability for their continued dominance in business, land ownership, and corporate influence.

Furthermore, white South Africa’s contribution to nation-building over the last three decades has been minimal. Instead of actively participating in equitable economic redistribution or supporting transformation policies, many elite white institutions and individuals have sought to maintain privilege through legal challenges, private capital flight, and international lobbying. The persistent disinvestment in the public sector, offshoring of wealth, and outsourcing of labour markets have all contributed to deepening inequalities, even as these same voices criticise the failures of government.

At the same time, Black South Africans have continuously worked toward reconciliation, embracing the symbols and practices of the very system that once oppressed them. From adopting Apartheid-era sports such as rugby and incorporating Afrikaans into the revised national anthem, to fostering inclusive nation-building efforts, they have demonstrated an extraordinary commitment to unity. Yet, while these gestures have symbolised progress, many white South Africa often distance themselves from meaningful engagement with the new democratic order. Instead of fully integrating into the transformed cultural and social landscape, white communities have sought to redefine national symbols in ways that sanitise history – rebranding Heritage Day for example as ‘Braai Day,’ while largely sidestepping the historical reckoning required for genuine nation-building.

Resisting the coloniality of proxy politics

The time has come for white South Africans to fully embrace reconciliation – not as a symbolic gesture, but as a meaningful commitment to the country’s transformation.

This requires an honest reckoning with history, a willingness to engage in substantive dialogue, and active participation in building a truly inclusive society. Reconciliation cannot be one-sided; it must be a mutual effort that acknowledges past injustices and seeks to redress them through economic, social, and cultural integration.

Trump’s stance on Africa, though rooted in his brand of far-right nationalism, may ultimately serve as a catalyst for the continent’s self-reliance. His policies and rhetoric, rather than subjugating Africa, will quicken the resolve to forge an independent Africa in all respects – economically, politically, and socially. If there is one unintended consequence of his approach, it is that it forces African nations to reconsider their dependence on Western powers and chart a future of true sovereignty. In this emerging reality, it is only Africa that will be great again. White South Africans must decide whether they wish to be part of that future or remain shackled to a nostalgic past that no longer serves them or the country they call home.

The growing alliance between South African white nationalist movements and the American far-right is a direct threat to South Africa’s political sovereignty and democratic integrity. Whether through AfriForum’s lobbying in Washington, the DA’s call for US oversight, or their refusal to challenge human rights abuses abroad, these actors reinforce the coloniality of power by seeking external validation and intervention in domestic affairs.

The challenge ahead is whether South Africans will allow themselves to be pawns in a global far-right agenda or assert their agency against reactionary forces. South Africa must decide whether it will bow to external pressures or reaffirm its democratic sovereignty against the forces of white nationalist realignment.

Rudy Oosterwyk is a Social Sector Strategy and Advisory Services facilitator.

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Ramaphosa’s SONA: Promises and policy paradoxes

Ramaphosa’s SONA: Promises and policy paradoxes

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