![A mother’s taweez and the Cape’s interfaith traditions [+ video]](https://muslimviews.co.za/wp-content/uploads/2026/05/Michael-Weeder-Book-Launch-9May26-360x180.webp)
Throughout 30-year period of ANC majority rule, the DA is on record for being agreeable with the key elements of the growth and economic policies of the ANC and disagreeable only with the pace and tempo of their implementation.
By MPHUTLANE WA BOFELO
The Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) and the South African National Civics Organisations (Sanco) – two key allies of the African National Congress (ANC) – had expressed concerns about the possibility of a coalition between the ANC and the Democratic Alliance because they assert that the Democratic Alliance upholds pro-capital, and anti-labour policies.
Now that the country is on the cusp of a government of national unity with the ANC and the DA as partners, is Cosatu and Sanco’s ideological reason a plausible basis for opposition to arrangement?
In 30 years of being the ruling party, with an out-and-out majority vote, even having a one-third majority in parliament in 2004, the ANC has zealously implemented policies and programmes that kept the apartheid economy and the apartheid geography intact. Throughout this period the captains of capital, the Washington institutions and proponents of neoliberal capitalism have hailed the ANC for making South Africa the best liberal democracy in Africa and one of the best liberal democracies in the world.
South Africa became celebrated as the best liberal democracy precisely because under the government of the ANC, it became a fertile homeland for all the regiments of global capitalism:
(a) Liberalism (that is, emphasis on free markets, limited government intervention, private property rights, and individual freedoms,
(b) State capitalism (that is, the state playing a significant role in the economy through state-owned enterprises),
(c) Crony capitalism (that is, close relationships between business and government, often resulting in favouritism toward certain companies or industries and capture of the state by such corporate interests),
(d) Corporate capitalism (that is, the dominance of large corporations in the economy who wield significant economic power and political influence), and
(e) Financial capitalism (that is, a regime that emphasises the role of financial markets and institutions in driving economic growth and that prioritises short-term profits and speculation over long-term investment.).
South Africa received the accolade of the best liberal democracy also because under ANC governance it religiously upheld the regiments of neoliberalism: deregulation, privatisation, free trade, inflation-targeting and monetary tools such as interest, austerity, and marketisation of social services.
Throughout this period, the DA is on record for being agreeable with the key elements of the growth and economic policies of the ANC and disagreeable only with the pace and tempo of their implementation by the ANC. Furthermore, the DA boldly declared that the fiscal measures in the 2023 and 2024 budget speeches of the Finance Minister Enoch Godongwana were copied from the economic playbook of the DA.
So, the ANC does not need the DA to implement neoliberal capitalist policies. It has done so when it had a downright majority, including a two-third majority in Parliament. Throughout this period of the ANC implementing neoliberal capitalist policies and programmes that left the structure of racial capitalism intact in South Africa, Cosatu, Sanco and the SACP did not see it as an ideological issue that warrants delinking from the alliance. They continued campaigning for workers and society to vote for the ANC. The only material reality that might be a serious cause for concern for the political elite within the ANC alliance partners now is how the different permutations of how the government will diminish or maintain their ability to use their positions within these organisations as the pathway to ministerial or governmental posts.
You may also want to read
Nevertheless, all labour activists, socialists and social democrats or any person who is interested in issues of governance and socioeconomic development knows that ideological purism often give way to more imaginative, open, and less dogmatic thinking and action in situations that call for exploration of coalitions or one or other form of government of national unity.
The phenomenon of coalitions between centre-left, leftist, and new left parties is more common than that of coalitions between centre-right and centre-left parties.
In Spain, coalition governments have been formed between the centre-left Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (PSOE) and the leftist Podemos party. For example, the current government is a coalition between PSOE and Podemos, known as the ‘Progressive Coalition’. Portugal has seen coalition governments involving centre-left and leftist parties. For instance, the current government (as of my last update) is led by the centre-left Socialist Party (PS), which governs in a coalition with the Left Bloc (BE) and the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP), supported by the ecologist party, the Greens (PEV). Greece has experienced coalition governments comprising centre-left and leftist parties. For example, during the Greek debt crisis, the government included the centre-left Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) and the Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA). Uruguay has a history of coalition governments involving centre-left and leftist parties. For example, the Broad Front (Frente Amplio) coalition, which ruled Uruguay for several terms, consisted of various left-wing and centre-left parties. Denmark has seen coalitions between centre-left and leftist parties. For instance, in the past, Denmark governments have been formed by the Social Democrats (centre-left) along with the Socialist People’s Party and the Red-Green Alliance (leftist).
These examples demonstrate how centre-left and leftist parties can collaborate to form coalition governments, often sharing similar policy objectives and working together to implement progressive reforms and address social and economic issues. Nevertheless, while they are not a common occurrence, coalitions between a centre-left party such as the ANC and a centre-right party such as the DA, do occur in certain political contexts where parties are willing to set aside ideological differences for the sake of governance or to address specific issues. In Germany, the so-called “Grand Coalition” is a notable example of a coalition between the centre-left Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) and the centre-right Christian Democratic Union (CDU) or its sister party, the Christian Social Union (CSU). Grand coalitions have formed multiple times in Germany’s history, including the current government (as of my last update), where the SPD and CDU/CSU govern together. Norway has experienced coalitions between the centre-left Labour Party (Ap) and the centre-right Conservative Party (Høyre). For instance, the Solberg Cabinet, which governed from 2013 to 2021, was a coalition between the Conservative Party and other centre-right parties, with support from the Labour Party on certain issues. In Ireland, the Fianna Fáil party, which is considered centre-right, has entered coalitions with the centre-left Labour Party on several occasions. These coalitions have typically been formed in response to election results where no single party secures a majority. Belgium has seen coalitions between the centre-left Socialist Party (PS) and the centre-right Christian Democratic and Flemish (CD&V) party or its Flemish counterpart, the Flemish Christian Democratic Party (CD&V). These coalitions have been part of various governing arrangements in Belgium’s federal and regional governments.
The above examples demonstrate that while coalitions between centre-left and centre-right parties may be less common, they can still occur in diverse political contexts, often because of pragmatic considerations or to achieve stability in government. On the other hand, coalition governments comprising right-wing, centrist, and leftist parties are common in countries with proportional representation electoral systems where no single party typically secures an outright majority in elections. In the Netherlands, coalition governments typically involve a mix of parties across the political spectrum. For example, the current government (as of my last update) is a coalition between the centre-right People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD), the Christian Democratic Appeal (CDA), the centrist Democrats 66 (D66), and the left-wing Christian Union (CU). Sweden has a history of coalition governments involving both centre-right and centre-left parties. For instance, the current government (as of my last update) is a coalition between the centre-left Social Democratic Party and the Green Party, with support from the centrist Liberal Party and the Centre Party. Italy has seen coalition governments comprising parties from across the political spectrum. For example, in the past, governments have included a mix of centre-right parties like Forza Italia, centre-left parties like the Democratic Party, and smaller parties representing various ideological positions.
The Netherlands, Swedish experiences illustrate how coalition governments can form across the political spectrum, often requiring compromise and negotiation among parties with different ideologies to govern effectively. In such situations, which is perhaps where South Africa is currently at, the focus becomes how to constructively and creatively find a common ground on tackling on the issues and challenges of governance, social development, economic development and growth, and the delivery of social services. Building a successful coalition across the political spectrum in a country like South Africa with that has the challenges of poverty, unemployment, inequality, and class, gender and racial disparities requires careful consideration of ten critical success factors: shared vision and goals, inclusive dialogue and decision-making, policy realignment and compromise, transparent communication, commitment to equity and social justice, community engagement and grassroots mobilisation, diverse leadership and representation, long-term sustainability, adaptability and resilience, and measurable impact and accountability.
- Establishing a common vision and specific goals that all parties and individuals within the coalition can rally around is essential. This vision should prioritise addressing poverty, unemployment, inequality, and disparities based on class, gender, and race.
- Ensuring that all voices within the coalition are heard and respected is crucial. Holding inclusive dialogues and employing consensus-building mechanisms can help foster trust and unity among diverse stakeholders.
- Ensuring that all voices within the coalition are heard and respected is crucial. Holding inclusive dialogues and employing consensus-building mechanisms can help foster trust and unity among diverse stakeholders.
- Maintaining transparent communication channels within the coalition and with the public is important for building trust and accountability. Openly discussing differences and challenges can help prevent misunderstandings and internal conflicts.
- Prioritising equity and social justice in all coalition initiatives and policies is essential for addressing systemic inequalities and disparities. This includes implementing measures to promote economic empowerment, access to education and healthcare, and the protection of marginalised communities’ rights.
- Engaging with communities directly affected by poverty, unemployment, and inequality is critical for understanding their needs and perspectives. Mobilising grassroots support can also strengthen the coalition’s legitimacy and effectiveness.
- Ensuring diverse representation in leadership positions within the coalition is crucial for legitimacy and credibility. This includes representation based on political affiliation, ethnicity, gender, and other relevant factors.
- Building a coalition that can endure beyond short-term political victories requires a focus on long-term sustainability. This involves investing in organisational capacity, nurturing future leaders, and maintaining relationships with stakeholders over time.
- Recognising that societal challenges and political dynamics can evolve over time, the coalition must remain adaptable and resilient. Being willing to adjust strategies and priorities in response to changing circumstances is key to maintaining relevance and effectiveness.
- Establishing clear metrics for success and mechanisms for accountability is essential for demonstrating the coalition’s effectiveness. Regularly evaluating progress towards goals and being transparent about outcomes can help maintain public trust and support.
Essentially, building a government of national unity requires navigating through complex political landscapes and bringing together diverse stakeholders with varying interests and ideologies. The most important critical success factor in this regard is inclusivity and representation. Ensuring that the government includes representatives from a wide range of political parties, interest groups, and communities is crucial, as it fosters a sense of ownership and legitimacy among different segments of the population and helps prevent marginalisation or alienation.
- Mphutlane wa Bofelo is a South African poet, essayist, and playwright, and a political theorist who focuses on the interface of Governance, Development and Politics, and the relationship between Strategy and Leadership.
